n against its best
allies, against itself, never was committed by any party in history,
and whatever humiliation and chastisement may be in store for this
middle class party, it has deserved by this one act every morsel of
it.

OCTOBER, 1851.

VII.

THE FRANKFORT NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

FEBRUARY 27, 1852.

It will perhaps be in the recollection of our readers that in the six
preceding papers we followed up the revolutionary movement of Germany
to the two great popular victories of March 13th in Vienna, and March
18th in Berlin. We saw, both in Austria and Prussia, the establishment
of constitutional governments and the proclamation, as leading rules
for all future policy, of Liberal, or middle class principles; and the
only difference observable between the two great centers of action was
this, that in Prussia the liberal bourgeoisie, in the persons of two
wealthy merchants, Messrs. Camphausen and Hansemann, directly seized
upon the reins of power; while in Austria, where the bourgeoisie was,
politically, far less educated, the Liberal bureaucracy walked into
office, and professed to hold power in trust for them. We have further
seen, how the parties and classes of society, that were heretofore all
united in opposition to the old government, got divided among
themselves after the victory, or even during the struggle; and how
that same Liberal bourgeoisie that alone profited from the victory
turned round immediately upon its allies of yesterday, assumed a
hostile attitude against every class or party of a more advanced
character, and concluded an alliance with the conquered feudal and
bureaucratic interests. It was in fact, evident, even from the
beginning of the revolutionary drama, that the Liberal bourgeoisie
could not hold its ground against the vanquished, but not destroyed,
feudal and bureaucratic parties except by relying upon the assistance
of the popular and more advanced parties; and that it equally
required, against the torrent of these more advanced masses, the
assistance of the feudal nobility and of the bureaucracy. Thus, it was
clear enough that the bourgeoisie in Austria and Prussia did not
possess sufficient strength to maintain their power, and to adapt the
institutions of the country to their own wants and ideas. The Liberal
bourgeois ministry was only a halting-place from which, according to
the turn circumstances might take, the country would eithe