t know that the Bible not only
allowed but commended it, "from Genesis to Revelation"? That the Saviour
had permitted it? That the Apostles, in spreading Christianity, had
never preached against it? That it had been--the illustration was not
altogether a happy one--"no novel doctrine since the days of Cain"? The
condition of these American slaves was said to be one of great happiness
and comfort; yet almost in the same breath it was asserted that to
excite in their minds any hope of change would lead to the most
disastrous consequences, and possibly to massacre. The memorialists were
bidden to remember that, even if slavery "were an evil, it was one for
which there was no remedy;" for that reason the North had acquiesced in
it; "a compromise was made on both sides,--we took each other, with our
mutual bad habits and respective evils, for better, for worse; the
Northern States adopted us with our slaves, and we adopted them with
their Quakers." Without such a compromise there could have been no
Union, and any interference now with slavery by the government would end
in a civil war. These people were meddling with what was none of their
business, and exciting the slaves to insurrection. Yet how forbearing
were the people of the Southern States who, notwithstanding all this,
"had not required the assistance of Congress to exterminate the
Quakers!"

This was not conciliatory. Those who had been disposed at the beginning
to meet the petitions with a quiet reply that the subject was out of the
jurisdiction of Congress were now provoked to give them a much warmer
reception. They could not listen patiently to the abuse of the Quakers,
and, though they might acquiesce in the toleration of slavery, they were
not inclined to have it crammed down their throats as a wise,
beneficent, and consistent condition of society under a republican
government. Even Madison, who at first was most anxious that nothing
should be said or done to arouse agitation, while acknowledging that all
citizens might rightfully appeal to Congress for a redress of what they
considered grievances, was moved at last to say that the memorial of the
Friends was "well worthy of consideration." While admitting that under
the Constitution the slave trade could not be prohibited for twenty
years, "yet," he declared, "there are a variety of ways by which it
[Congress] could countenance the abolition, and regulations might be
made in relation to the introduction of [sl