r to induce her to enter into a friendly commercial
alliance than to provoke her to retaliate upon the feeble commerce of
this country, upon which she had so strong a grip. Madison had shown
himself, before this time, half credulous of the charges of a leaning
toward England, and toward monarchy, made by those who wanted a congress
of petty states against those who wanted a strong national government.
If, however, there were Anglicism on one side, so there was quite as
much Gallicism, if not a good deal more, on the other. In writing to
Jefferson of the probability that the Senate would make no
discrimination in the tonnage duties, he said that in that case "Great
Britain will be quieted in the enjoyment of our trade as she may please
to regulate it, and France discouraged from her efforts at a competition
which it is not less our interest than hers to promote." Whatever may be
thought of this first concession of the new government to England, it is
quite as much the coming party leader as the statesman who speaks here.
It may not be doubted that he sincerely thought it to be, as he said,
"impolitic, in every view that can be taken of the subject, to put Great
Britain at once on the footing of the most favored nation." But the
relation of American interests to English interests was evidently
already associated in his mind with the relations of France and England,
so soon to be the absorbing question in American politics.

The impost act was followed by others hardly less important in putting
the new Constitution into operation under its first Congress. The
direction of business seems, by common consent, to have been intrusted
to Mr. Madison among the many able men of that body; doubtless because
of his thorough familiarity with the Constitution, and of his
methodical ways. He was sure to bring things forward in their due order,
to provide judiciously for the more immediate needs. The impost bill
secured the means to work with; the next necessity was to organize the
machinery to do the work. Resolutions to create the executive
departments of Foreign Affairs, of the Treasury, and of War were offered
by Mr. Madison. These were required in general terms by the
Constitution, with a single officer at the head of each, to be appointed
by the President "by and with the advice and consent of the Senate." The
manner of the appointment of subordinate officers was provided for by
the Constitution, but the manner of their removal fro