k lower, which is
only free because it is not invaded by its neighbours; and retains its
possessions, only because no other has leisure or inclination to take
them away?

If it be asked, what can provoke the French to interrupt us in the
prosecution of our designs, and in the punishment of those who have
plundered and insulted us, it is not only easy to urge the strict
alliance between the two crowns, the ties of blood, the conformity of
interests, and their equal hatred of the Britons, but another more
immediate reason may be added. It is suspected, that under pretence of
vindicating our own rights, we are endeavouring to gain the possession
of the Spanish dominions, and engross the wealth of the new world; and
that, therefore, it is the interest of every power, whose subjects
traffick to those countries, to oppose us.

Thus, whether we succeed or fail in our attempts upon America, we have
the French power to apprehend. If we make conquests, they may, probably,
think it necessary to obviate the torrent of our victories, and to
hinder the increase of our dominions, that they may secure their own
trade, and maintain their own influence.

If we should be defeated, of which no man, sir, can deny the
possibility, the inclination of all to insult the depressed, and to push
down the falling, is well known; nor can it be expected that our
hereditary enemies would neglect so fair an opportunity of attacking us.

How they might ravage our coasts, and obstruct our trade; how they might
triumph in the Channel, and block us up in our own ports, bombard our
towns, and threaten us with invasions, I hope I need but barely mention,
to incite this assembly to such despatch in manning our fleets, as may
secure us at once from insults and from terrour.

It is, undoubtedly, sir, in our power to raise a naval force sufficient
to awe the ocean, and restrain the most daring of our enemies from any
attempts against us; but this cannot be effected by harangues,
objections, and disputations.

There is nothing, sir, more frequently the subject of raillery or
declamation, than the uselessness or danger of a standing army, to which
I declare myself no otherwise inclined than by my concern for the common
safety; I willingly allow that not one soldier ought to be supported by
the publick, whose service is not necessary; but surely none of those
who declare so warmly for the honour and privileges of their country,
would expose it to the insults