avs, Mr. President," exclaimed Signor
Orlando. "If Italy were to cede to them Dalmatia, Fiume, and eastern
Istria they would forthwith lay claim to Trieste and Pola and, after
Trieste and Pola, to Friuli and Gorizia."

After some further discussion Mr. Wilson said: "Well, I am unable to
reconcile with my principles the recognition of secret treaties, and as
the two are incompatible I uphold the principles." "I, too," rejoined
the Italian Premier, "condemn secret treaties in the future when the new
principles will have begun to regulate international politics. As for
those compacts which were concluded during the war they were all secret,
not excluding those to which the United States was a party." The
President demurred to this reservation. He conceived and put his case
briefly as follows: Italy, like her allies, had had it in her power to
accept the Fourteen Points, reject them, or make reserves. Britain and
France had taken exception to those clauses which they were determined
to reject, whereas Italy signified her adhesion to them all. Therefore
she was bound by the principles underlying them and had forfeited the
right to invoke a secret treaty. The settlement of the issues turning
upon Dalmatia, Istria, Fiume, and the islands must consequently be
taken in hand without reference to the clauses of that instrument.
Examined on their merits and in the light of the new arrangements,
Italy's claims could not be upheld. It would be unfair to the Jugoslavs
who inhabit the whole country to cut them off from their own seaboard.
Nor would such a measure be helpful to Italy herself, whose interest it
was to form a homogeneous whole, consolidate her dominions, and prepare
for the coming economic struggle for national well-being. The principle
of nationality must, therefore, be allowed full play.

As for Fiume, even if the city were, as alleged, an independent entity
and desirous of being incorporated in Italy, one would still have to set
against these facts Jugoslavia's imperative need of an outlet to the
sea. Here the principle of economic necessity outweighs those of
nationality and free determination. A country must live, and therefore
be endowed with the wherewithal to support life. On these grounds,
judgment should be entered for the Jugoslavs.

The Italian Premier's answer was equally clear, but he could not
unburden his mind of it all. His government had, it was true, adhered to
the Fourteen Points without reservation.