y lost their warmth and finally vanished. No trace
of them remained at the Paris Conference, where the delegates of the two
states did not converse together nor even salute one another.

President Wilson's visit to Rome, where, to use an Italian expression,
he was welcomed by Delirium, seemed to brighten Italy's outlook on the
future. Much was afterward made by the President's enemies of the
subsequent change toward him in the sentiments of the Italian people.
This is commonly ascribed to his failure to fulfil the expectations
which his words or attitude aroused or warranted. Nothing could well be
more misleading. Mr. Wilson's position on the subject of Italy's claims
never changed, nor did he say or do aught that would justify a doubt as
to what it was. In Rome he spoke to the Ministers in exactly the same
terms as in Paris at the Conference. He apprized them in January of what
he proposed to do in April and he even contemplated issuing a
declaration of his Italian policy at once. But he was earnestly
requested by the Ministers to keep his counsel to himself and to make no
public allusion to it during his sojourn in Italy.[207] It was not his
fault, therefore, if the Italian people cherished illusory hopes. In
Paris Signer Orlando had an important encounter with Mr. Wilson,[208]
who told him plainly that the allotment of the northern frontiers traced
for Italy by the London Treaty would be confirmed, while that of the
territory on the eastern Adriatic would be quashed. The division of the
spoils of Austria there must, he added, be made congruously with a map
which he handed to the Italian Premier. It was proved on examination to
be identical with one already published by the _New Europe_.[209] Signor
Orlando glanced at the map and in courteous phraseology unfolded the
reasons why he could not entertain the settlement proposed. He added
that no Italian parliament would ratify it. Thereupon the President
turned the discussion to politico-ethical lines, pointed out the harm
which the annexation of an alien and unfriendly element could inflict
upon Italy, the great advantages which cordial relations with her Slav
neighbor would confer on her, and the ease with which she might gain the
markets of the new state. A young and small nation like the Jugoslavs
would be grateful for an act of generosity and would repay it by lasting
friendship--a return worth far more than the contentious territories.
"Ah, you don't know the Jugosl