foreign to the whole
theory of the political experiment of 1872. The indispensable condition
attaching to the Liberal plan was its endorsement by the Democracy.
This demanded the selection of a candidate who, while representing the
Liberal Republican policy, would be acceptable to the Democratic
allies. No man seemed so little likely to fulfil this requirement as
Mr. Greeley. From the hour when he first entered political life and
acquired prominence in the wild Whig canvass for Harrison and Tyler
in 1840, he had waged incessant and unsparing war against the Democrats.
He had assailed them with all the weapons in his well-filled armory
of denunciation; and not only had every conspicuous Democratic leader
received his stalwart blows, but the whole party had repeatedly felt
the force of his fearless and masterful onset.

There was naturally great curiosity to see how his nomination would be
received: first, by the projectors of the Liberal revolt, and second,
by the Democracy. Most of the Liberals promptly acquiesced, though a
few protested. Especially among the Ohio representatives there was
great discontent. Stanley Matthews humorously and regretfully admitted
that he was "not a success at politics." Judge Hoadly published a card
calling the Cincinnati result "the alliance of _Tammany_ and Blair,"
but still hoping for some way of escape from Grant. Most of the German
Liberals rejected the ticket, doubtless finding other objections
emphasized by their dissent from Mr. Greeley's well-known attitude on
sumptuary legislation. The free-trade Liberals of New York held a
meeting of protest, presided over by William Cullen Bryant, and
addressed by David A. Wells, Edward Atkinson, and others who had
participated in the Cincinnati Convention. But this opposition
possessed little importance. The positive political force which had
entered into the Liberal movement stood fast, and the really important
question related to the temper and action of the Democrats.

Their first feeling was one of chagrin and resentment. They had
encouraged the Republican revolt, with sanguine hope of a result which
they could cordially accept, and they were deeply mortified by an
issue whose embarrassment for themselves could not be concealed. They
had counted on the nomination of Mr. Adams, Judge Davis, Senator
Trumbull, or some moderate Republican of that type, whom they could
adopt without repugnance. The unexpected selection of their l