e world's life, from
the new efforts that will be made toward world organization; the other
to anticipate events and take the initiative in the leadership of world
organization, which would have the effect of rendering western
civilization, including herself, less military, less dependent upon
arms, and put the development of that civilization on a civilist rather
than a militarist basis.

I believe that it is the failure to realize that this intervention can
be non-military in character which explains the reluctance of very many
Americans to depart from their traditional policy of non-intervention.
With reference to that point it is surely germane to remember that the
America of 1914 is not the America of 1776; circumstances which made
Washington's advice sound and statesmanlike have been transformed. The
situation today is not that of a tiny power not yet solidified, remote
from the main currents of the world's life, out-matched in resources by
any one of the greater powers of Europe. America is no longer so remote
as to have little practical concern with Europe. Its contacts with
Europe are instantaneous, daily, intimate, innumerable--so much so
indeed that our own civilization will be intimately affected and
modified by certain changes which threaten in the older world.

I will put the case thus: Suppose that there are certain developments in
Europe which would profoundly threaten our own civilization and our own
security, and suppose further that we could without great cost to
ourselves so guide or direct those changes and developments as to render
them no longer a menace to this country. If such a case could be
established, would not adherence to a formula established under
eighteenth century conditions have the same relation to sound politics
that the incantations and taboos of superstitious barbarians have to
sound religion? And I think such a case can be established.

I wonder whether it has occurred to many Americans to ask why all the
belligerents in this present war are showing such remarkable deference
to American public opinion. Some Americans may, of course, believe that
it is the sheer personal fascination of individual Americans or simple
tenderness of moral feeling that makes Great Britain, France, Russia,
Germany, and Austria take definitely so much trouble at a time when they
have sufficient already, to demonstrate that they have taken the right
course, that they are obeying all the laws of war, th