nd planting, rather than the imaginary interests of small and large
States.

In settling a rule of apportionment, several questions were to be
considered: What should be the number of representatives in the first
branch of the Legislature? Ought the number from each State to be fixed,
or to increase with the increase of population? Ought population alone
to be the basis of apportionment, or should property be taken into
account? Whatever rule might be adopted, no apportionment founded upon
population could be made until an enumeration of the inhabitants should
have been taken. The number of representatives was, therefore, for the
time being, fixed at sixty-five, and apportioned as directed by the
Constitution.

In establishing a rule of future apportionment, great diversity of
opinion was expressed. Although slavery then existed in all the States
except Massachusetts, the great mass of the slave population was in the
Southern States. These States claimed a representation according to
numbers, bond and free, while the Northern States were in favor of a
representation according to the number of free persons only. This rule
was forcibly urged by several of the Northern delegates. Mr. Paterson
regarded slaves only as property. They were not represented in the
States; why should they be in the General Government? They were not
allowed to vote; why should they be represented? It was an encouragement
of the slave trade. Said Mr. Wilson: "Are they admitted as citizens?
Then why not on an equality with citizens? Are they admitted as
property? Then why is not other property admitted into the computation?"
A large portion of the members of the convention, from both sections of
the Union, aware that neither extreme could be carried, favored the
proposition to count the whole number of free citizens and three-fifths
of all others.

Prior to this discussion, a select committee, to whom this subject had
been referred, had reported in favor of a distribution of the members on
the basis of wealth and numbers, to be regulated by the Legislature.
Before the question was taken on this report, a proviso was moved and
agreed to that direct taxes should be in proportion to representation.
Subsequently a proposition was moved for reckoning three-fifths of the
slaves in estimating taxes, and making taxation the basis of
representation, which was adopted, New Jersey and Delaware against it,
Massachusetts and South Carolina divided; New York n