ared, and then thrown by--one party
combination after another may be driven from the Treasury benches, but
the movement is gradually working its way, which is to reform Parliament,
to put down W. B. and his man Frail--to root out the demoralisation of
which St. Albans is a type, and to give to the people a perfect
representation in the peopled house. It is time the present state of
things was altered. For this purpose, the Freehold Land Movement exists.

We thus make our appeal to the friends of political progress. We aim at
the advocacy of the movement which has for its end what you profess to
desire. That movement we believe destined to be the salvation of our
country, and we ask you to rally round it. It is true Free-trade is not
in danger, but Parliamentary Reform is. A large party headed by Lord
Derby take their stand by the Bill of '31, and maintain that concession
has reached its limits--that class legislation is still to prevail--that
the people are still to be ignored--that inside the constitution are
still to be the privileged few, and outside of it the unprivileged many.
Against this mockery we ask England's manhood to protest--not by crowded
assemblies or inflammatory harangues, but in the constitutional manner
pointed out by Freehold Land Societies. We want not voices but votes.
In the House of Commons, the thoughts that breathe and words that burn
avail not, but votes are omnipotent. No member can disregard or despise
his constituents; their will to him must be law.

But we stop not here. We seek a still wider support. The Freehold Land
Movement has done wonders, it has removed the reproach cast upon the
working man, that he is reckless and improvident. It has shown that he
can save when a proper object is offered. In a speech a year or two
since, in the House of Commons, by Mr. Sotheron, M.P. for Wiltshire, it
was stated that the total number of friendly societies was not less than
33,232, and the aggregate of the members which they included amounted to
3,032,000. The annual revenue of these societies was 4,980,000 pounds,
and the accumulated capital from the savings of these poor persons was no
less a sum than 11,360,000 pounds. Faulty as most of these societies
were, so desirous of saving was the working man, that he had actually
entrusted them with the enormous sum we have just named. If these things
were done by Friendly Societies, what will not be done when the
advantages of Freehold L