ilar to
what partisans of the Grand Dukes of Tuscany or Modena may attempt,
similar to any--for argument's sake--supposed insurrection of any
Russian bojars against the emancipating Czar. Not in one from among
the above enumerated cases would England concede to the insurgents the
condition of belligerents. If the Deys of Tunis and Tripoli should
attempt to throw off their allegiance to the Sultan on the plea that
the Porte prohibits the slave traffic, would England hurry to
recognize the Deys as belligerents?

Suggested to Mr. Seward, what two months ago I suggested to the
President, to put the commercial interests in the Mediterranean, for a
time, under the protection of Louis Napoleon.

I maintain the right of closing the ports, against the partisans of
blockade. _Qui jure suo utitur neminem laedit_, says the Roman
jurisconsult.

The condition of Lincoln has some similarity with that of Pio IX. in
1847-48. Plenty of good-will, but the eagle is not yet breaking out of
the egg. And as Pio IX. was surrounded by this or that cardinal, so is
Mr. Lincoln by Seward and Scott.

Perhaps it may turn out that Lincoln is honest, but of not
transcendent powers. The war may last long, and the military spirit
generated by the war may in its turn generate despotic aspirations.
Under Lincoln in the White House, the final victory will be due to the
people alone, and he, Lincoln, will preserve intact the principle
which lifted him to such a height.

The people is in a state of the healthiest and most generous
fermentation, but it may become soured and musty by the admixture of
Scott-Seward vacillatory powders.

Scott is all in all--Minister or Secretary of War and
Commander-in-chief. How absurd to unite those functions, as they are
virtually united here, Scott deciding all the various military
questions; he the incarnation of the dusty, obsolete, everywhere
thrown overboard and rotten routine. They ought to have for Secretary
of War, if not a Carnot, at least a man of great energy, honesty, of
strong will, and of a thorough devotion to the cause. Senator Wade
would be suitable for this duty. Cameron is devoted, but I doubt his
other capacities for the emergency, and he has on his shoulders
General Scott as a dead weight.

Charles Sumner, Mr. Motley, Dr. Howe, and many others, consider it as
a triumph that the English Cabinet asked Mr. Gregory to postpone his
motion for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy. Those
gentle