n party were
terribly scared. His speeches, or rather demeanor and repeated
utterances since the opening of the Congress, his influence on Mr.
Adams, who, under Seward's inspiration, made his speech _de lana
caprina_, and voted for compromises and concessions,--all this spread
and fortified the general and firm belief that Mr. Seward was ready to
give up many from among the cardinal articles of the Republican creed
of which he was one of the most ardent apostles. They, the
Republicans, speak of him in a way to remind me of the dictum, "_omnia
serviliter pro dominatione_," as they accuse him now of subserviency
to the slave power. The radical and puritan Republicans likewise dread
him on account of his close intimacy with a Thurlow Weed, a Matteson,
and with similar not over-cautious--as they call them--lobbyists.

Some days previous to the inauguration, Mr. Seward brought Mr. Lincoln
on the Senate floor, of course on the Republican side; but soon Mr.
Seward was busily running among Democrats, begging them to be
introduced to Lincoln. It was a saddening, humiliating, and revolting
sight for the galleries, where I was. Criminal as is Mason, for a
minute I got reconciled to him for the scowl of horror and contempt
with which he shook his head at Seward. The whole humiliating
proceeding foreshadowed the future policy. Only two or three
Democratic Senators were moved by Seward's humble entreaties. The
criminal Mason has shown true manhood.

The first attempt of sincere Republicans was to persuade Lincoln to
break his connection with Seward. This failed. To neutralize what was
considered quickly to become a baneful influence in Mr. Lincoln's
councils, the Republicans united on Gov. Chase. This Seward opposed
with all his might. Mr. Lincoln wavered, hesitated, and was bending
rather towards Mr. Seward. The struggle was terrific, lasted several
days, when Chase was finally and triumphantly forced into the
Cabinet. It was necessary not to leave him there alone against Seward,
and perhaps Bates, the old cunning Whig. Again terrible opposition by
Seward, but it was overcome by the radicals in the House, in the
Senate, and outside of Congress by such men as Curtis, Noyes, J. S.
Wadsworth, Opdyke, Barney, &c., &c., and Blair was brought in. Cameron
was variously opposed, but wished to be in by Seward; Welles was from
the start considered sound and safe in every respect; Smith was
considered a Seward man.

From what I witnessed o