vernment, is as certain as any fact of history or of experience. Every
scheme has been tried in turn, and no scheme has succeeded, or has even
(it may be suggested) produced its natural effects. Oppression of the
Catholics has increased the adherents and strengthened the hold of
Catholicism. Protestant supremacy while it lasted did not lead even to
Protestant contentment, and the one successful act of resistance to
English dominion was effected by a Protestant Parliament supported by an
army of volunteers led by a body of Protestant officers. The
independence gained by a Protestant Parliament led, after eighteen
years, to a rebellion so reckless and savage, that it caused if it did
not justify the destruction of the Parliament, and the carrying of the
Union. The Act of Union did not lead to national unity, and a measure
which appeared on the face of it (though the appearance it must be
admitted was delusive) to be a copy of the law which turned England and
Scotland into a common country inspired by common patriotism, produced
conspiracy and agitation, and has at last placed England and Ireland
further apart morally than they stood at the beginning of the century.
The Treaty of Union, it was supposed, missed its mark because it was not
combined with Catholic Emancipation. The Catholics were emancipated, but
emancipation instead of producing loyalty brought forth the cry for
repeal. The repeal movement ended in failure, but its death gave birth
to the attempted rebellion of 1848. Suppressed rebellion begot
Fenianism, to be followed in its turn by the agitation for Home Rule.
The movement relies, it is said, and there is truth in the assertion, on
constitutional methods for obtaining redress. But constitutional methods
are supplemented by boycotting, by obstruction, by the use of dynamite.
A century of reform has given us Mr. Parnell instead of Grattan, and it
is more than possible that Mr. Parnell may be succeeded by leaders in
whose eyes Mr. Davitt's policy may appear to be tainted with moderation.
No doubt in each case the failure of good measures admits, like every
calamity either in private or in public life, of explanation, and after
the event it is easy to see why, for example, the Poor Law when extended
to Ireland did not produce even the good effects, such as they are,
which in England are to be set against its numerous evils; or why an
emigration of unparalleled proportions has diminished population without
much di