the national government to force
slavery on an unwilling people.

Lincoln and Seward would use the same power to prevent a people who may
desire domestic slavery from having it.

Douglas would not use the same power, either to permit or destroy, but
recognizing the right and capacity of the people to govern themselves,
would leave them to decide _for themselves_ as to what domestic
institutions they would or would not have.

There can be no mistaking as to which of the three parties occupies the
true democratic ground on this subject. To rightly decide that question,
we have only to reach the central and fundamental idea of the nature of
the Federal Constitution, upon which each party bases itself.

The political history of the United States, since the Confederation,
shows that as well in the formation, as in the interpretation and
administration of the Federal Constitution, two parties have existed,
representing two different political ideas--the one, State
Sovereignty--the other, National Sovereignty, or, Confederation against
Consolidation; or, democratic government in _the States_ against an
Imperial government in _the Nation_.

The advocates of a consolidated National government, the leading mind
among whom was Alexander Hamilton, were, until after the publication of
the Federalist, known as the National party. After that publication, and
about 1790, they took the name of Federalists. Their opponents, who
favored a Federal Union of limited and clearly defined powers, in
preference to a strong National Government, were at first called
Federalists, but afterwards took the name of Republicans, or, Democrats.
The master spirit of this party was Thomas Jefferson. Principles adverse
to those of Hamilton prevailed in the Constitutional Convention of 1787.
Hamilton's plan of government was not adopted, and by express vote of
the Convention the term, "United States Government," was adopted in lieu
of "National Government," as originally proposed, to distinguish the
system to be formed.

The men of the Convention were men of great intellectual power and lofty
patriotism, but also men of concession and compromise, and it is not
therefore surprising that their different views should be so far
reflected in the Constitution, their common work, as to lead to
occasional difficulty in its interpretation. The Constitution is not so
clearly expressed, that he who runs may read its meaning. The wisest and
best men of the natio