ize
slavery in any territory, can the Federal government bring slaves under
the power of Congress by acquiring territory governed by foreign slave
laws, as were the territories of Florida and Louisiana? Does the foreign
slave code continue to exist _proprio vigore_ in the absence of express
recognition by the Federal government; or does the force of the
constitution itself annul upon the acquisition of the territory, the
local law of slavery, and abrogate all treaty or legislative provisions,
if any, for its continuance? In other words can the Federal government,
by simple act of acquisition, or expressly by treaty, legislative act,
or judicial decision, enact or continue in force a foreign slave code
over territory acquired by the United States, "the normal condition of
which is that of freedom?" I would be glad to know what the Chicago
platform means by that expression. Does it mean that slavery cannot
exist in any territory of the United States over which the constitution
extends? or if it does exist there by virtue of a foreign local law at
the time of acquisition, does it mean that Congress can abrogate the
right of property under that law and make the territory free?

If the Republican platform really means that the Federal government
cannot legalize slavery by acquiring slave territory; and cannot
legalize slavery in any territory already acquired; and cannot admit a
State with a slavery constitution, does not the same platform drive the
Republican party to the doctrine that domestic slavery _has not_, and
_cannot have_ any legal existence in any State or territory where it did
not exist by local law when the Federal constitution became operative?
What then becomes of the asserted "right of each State to order and
control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment
exclusively?"

I put all these questions by way of suggestions, not assertions, and
leave the respective advocates of the Lincoln and Breckinridge platforms
to answer them consistently with the Union and the Constitution.

Examine them in any light to which they may be presented, the
Breckinridge and Lincoln doctrines equally lead to the same
anti-Democratic result:--Sovereign power in the Federal constitution and
government, superior to the power of the people of the States and
territories, over the domestic institution of slavery. Directly opposed
to this position is the one held by Mr. Douglas; absence of power in
Congress, and fu