hes him that the rivulet of domestic servitude has run among the
nations almost coeval with the stream of time; familiar by personal
observation with the aspect and condition of the civilization of
Europe, where constitutional freedom is almost unknown; familiar also
with the history, the institutions and the society of every portion of
the American Union, and with the blessings which that Union, above all
other systems of government the world has ever known, confers upon its
people; sees all the glories of the Union dimmed, all its harmony
destroyed, all its substantial benefits turned like Dead sea fruit to
ashes and bitterness, when he beholds "the mean and miserable rivulet of
black African slavery, stealing along turbid and muddy from its stagnant
sources in the Slave States."

With this _one idea_ ruling his mind, Mr. Seward labors in the Senate
and before the people with all the learning and ability he possesses to
rouse one half of the nation against the other to dam up, dry up or blot
out "this mean and miserable rivulet." From Boston to Kansas, like
another Peter the Hermit, he preaches a crusade against the institutions
and people of the Southern States. He proclaims an irrepressible
conflict between free labor and slave labor, between Free States and
Slave States, between white suffrage and equality and black suffrage and
equality, and he utters as he goes the atrocious sentiment, not of the
statesman, but of the demagogue, "_Henceforth I put my trust not in my
native countrymen, but I put it in the exile from foreign lands_." I,
the oracle of the Republican party, in effect says Mr. Seward, will not
trust as the conservators of the American principle of freedom and the
American system of free government, the sons of the men who fought the
battles of American Independence, but I and they will trust the exiles
from foreign lands--from Europe, from Asia and from Africa, to establish
here upon the battle fields, rich with the blood of our fathers, the
principles of universal suffrage and universal equality.

Mr. Seward hangs out the signal of uncompromising conflict. This, in
effect, if not in words, says he, is the Holy Land of freedom and
universal equality. Infidels and barbarians possess it in all its
Southern borders, and hold there black christians their coequals in all
the rights of men in an inhuman bondage. Let us then by the aid of the
exiles from foreign lands overcome the infidels and barbarians, an