t on the 17th of October 1862 in a speech at
Hereford. Mr. Milner-Gibson was also put forward to the same end, and
after Parliament met, in February 1863, Mr. Disraeli gave the
Government a sharp lashing for sending one or two Ministers into the
country in the recess to announce that the Southern States would be
recognised, and then putting forward the President of the Board of Trade
(Milner-Gibson) to attack the Southern States and the pestilent
institution of slavery. Mr. Gladstone's speech at Newcastle, coming as
it did from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, after the close of a
session during which everybody knew that the Emperor of the French had
been urging upon England the recognition of the Confederate States, and
that Mr. Mason had been in active correspondence on that subject with
Lord Russell, was taken at Newcastle, and throughout the country, to
mean that the recognition was imminent. Mr. Gladstone even went so far
as to say he rather rejoiced that the Confederates had not been able to
hold Maryland, as that might have made them aggressive, and so made a
settlement more difficult, it being, he said, as certain as anything in
the future could be that the South must succeed in separating itself
from the Union. This remark about Maryland distinctly indicated
consultation as to what limits and boundaries between the South and the
North should be recognised in the recognition, and on that account, it
seems, was particularly resented by Earl Russell as well as by Lord
Palmerston.

Sir George Cornewall Lewis's speech of October 17, 1862, was a most
skilful and masterly attempt to protect the Cabinet against the
consequences of what the _Times_, on the 9th of October, had treated as
the "indiscretion or treason" of his colleague. But it did not save the
Government from the scourge of Mr. Disraeli, or much mitigate the effect
in America of Mr. Gladstone's performance at Newcastle, which was a much
more serious matter from the American point of view than any of the
speeches recently delivered about "Home Rule" in the American Senate
can be fairly said to be from the British point of view.

NOTE B.

MR. PARNELL AND THE DYNAMITERS. (Prologue, p. xxxiii.)

The relation of Mr. Parnell and his Parliamentary associates to what is
called the extreme and "criminal" section of the Irish American
Revolutionary Party can only be understood by those who understand that
it is the ultimate object of this party not to effe