ndependence; and the proper business
of the paper to be drawn was to set forth those causes, and justify the
authors of the measure, in any event of fortune, to the country, and to
posterity. The cause of American independence, moreover, was now to be
presented to the world in such manner, if it might so be, as to engage
its sympathy, to command its respect, to attract its admiration, and in
an assembly of most able and distinguished men, Thomas Jefferson had the
high honor of being the selected advocate of this cause. To say that he
performed his great work well, would be doing him injustice. To say
that he did it excellently well, admirably well, would be inadequate
and halting praise. Let us rather say that he so discharged the duty
assigned him, that all Americans may well rejoice that the work of
drawing the title-deed of their liberties devolved on his hands.

With all its merits, there are those who have thought that there was one
thing in the declaration to be regretted; and that is, the asperity and
anger with which it speaks of the person of the king; the industrious
ability with which it accumulates and charges upon him all the injuries
which the colonies had suffered from the mother country. Possibly some
degree of injustice, now or hereafter, at home or abroad, may be done to
the character of Mr. Jefferson, if this part of the declaration be not
placed in its proper light. Anger or resentment, certainly much less
personal reproach and invective, could not properly find place in
a composition of such high dignity, and of such lofty and permanent
character.

A single reflection on the original ground of dispute between England
and the colonies, is sufficient to remove any unfavorable impression in
this respect.

The inhabitants of all the colonies, while colonies, admitted themselves
bound by their allegiance to the king; but they disclaimed altogether,
the authority of parliament; holding themselves, in this respect, to
resemble the condition of Scotland and Ireland before the respective
unions of those kingdoms with England, when they acknowledged allegiance
to the same king, but each had its separate legislature. The tie,
therefore, which our revolution was to break, did not subsist between us
and the British parliament, or between us and the British government,
in the aggregate, but directly between us and the king himself. The
colonists had never admitted themselves subject to parliament. That
was pre