e contrary, reasons exist which, in
my judgment, render it proper not only that they should be promptly
carried into effect, but that additional provision should be made for
the public defense.

The consideration of such additional provision was brought before
appropriate committees of the two Houses of Congress, in answer to calls
made by them, in reports prepared, with my sanction, by the Secretary of
War and the Secretary of the Navy on the 29th of December and the 8th of
January last--a mode of communication with Congress not unusual, and
under existing circumstances believed to be most eligible. Subsequent
events have confirmed me in the opinion that these recommendations were
proper as precautionary measures.

It was a wise maxim of the Father of his Country that "to be prepared
for war is one of the most efficient means of preserving peace," and
that, "avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace," we should
"remember also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger
frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it." The general
obligation to perform this duty is greatly strengthened by facts known
to the whole world. A controversy respecting the Oregon Territory now
exists between the United States and Great Britain, and while, as far
as we know, the relations of the latter with all European nations are
of the most pacific character, she is making unusual and extraordinary
armaments and warlike preparations, naval and military, both at home and
in her North American possessions.

It can not be disguised that, however sincere may be the desire of
peace, in the event of a rupture these armaments and preparations would
be used against our country. Whatever may have been the original purpose
of these preparations, the fact is undoubted that they are now
proceeding, in part at least, with a view to the contingent possibility
of a war with the United States. The general policy of making additional
warlike preparations was distinctly announced in the speech from the
throne as late as January last, and has since been reiterated by the
ministers of the Crown in both houses of Parliament. Under this aspect
of our relations with Great Britain, I can not doubt the propriety of
increasing our means of defense both by land and sea. This can give
Great Britain no cause of offense nor increase the danger of a rupture.
If, on the contrary, we should fold our arms in security and at last be
suddenly involved