the public, but merely that the items of which these are
composed shall not be divulged. To this extent, and no further, is
secrecy observed.

The laudable vigilance of the people in regard to all the expenditures
of the Government, as well as a sense of duty on the part of the
President and a desire to retain the good opinion of his
fellow-citizens, will prevent any sum expended from being accounted for
by the President's certificate unless in cases of urgent necessity. Such
certificates have therefore been resorted to but seldom throughout our
past history.

For my own part, I have not caused any account whatever to be settled on
a Presidential certificate. I have had no occasion rendering it
necessary in my judgment to make such a certificate, and it would be an
extreme case which would ever induce me to exercise this authority; yet
if such a case should arise it would be my duty to assume the
responsibility devolved on me by the law.

During my Administration all expenditures for contingent expenses of
foreign intercourse in which the accounts have been closed have been
settled upon regular vouchers, as all other public accounts are settled
at the Treasury.

It may be alleged that the power of impeachment belongs to the House of
Representatives, and that, with a view to the exercise of this power,
that House has the right to investigate the conduct of all public
officers under the Government. This is cheerfully admitted. In such a
case the safety of the Republic would be the supreme law, and the power
of the House in the pursuit of this object would penetrate into the most
secret recesses of the Executive Departments. It could command the
attendance of any and every agent of the Government, and compel them to
produce all papers, public or private, official or unofficial, and to
testify on oath to all facts within their knowledge. But even in a case
of that kind they would adopt all wise precautions to prevent the
exposure of all such matters the publication of which might injuriously
affect the public interest, except so far as this might be necessary to
accomplish the great ends of public justice. If the House of
Representatives, as the grand inquest of the nation, should at any time
have reason to believe that there has been malversation in office by an
improper use or application of the public money by a public officer, and
should think proper to institute an inquiry into the matter, all the
archives and pa