N. Y., May 3, 1878.)

The thought naturally occurs here: If such matter-of-course mention
of appalling debauch cry of political honor and morality reflects the
character of a conscience and foreshadows the scope of a purpose,--if
such were his estimate of Congress, and such his belief then--how much
are the Central Pacific magnates disposed to promise now to soon evade
and eventually escape payment of, say, $67,000,000 now nearly due to the
Government?

"The People Can Never Have an Open Highway."

In 1874, Thomas A. Scott, of Pennsylvania, proposed to build the Texas
and Pacific Railway, and to secure subsidies for that purpose from the
Southern States, as well as from Congress.

[With the question of subsidies in the abstract, this writing has
nothing to do.]

If he succeeded, the Southern Pacific would lose its early clutch on
the throat of our commerce, an hundred thousand voters would escape from
political bondage--its paralyzing grip would be weakened, if not broken.
There was deadly issue at once.

Scott wrote to Huntington Dec. 9, 1874:

"We expect to build our road to San Diego, as already pledged to the
public to do so." (No. 416. N. Y., Dec. 10, 1874.)

Later, Huntington wrote to Colton:

"Scott is doing all he can to push his Texas Pacific Road, and his
strength all lies in one thing: The Southern Pacific of California is
controlled by the Central Pacific and Union Pacific, and will be used
only to help those great monopolies, and if we are beat by Scott, it
will be because our friends have persisted in helping him to convince
the public the above is true, and the people can never have an open
highway so long as the Central Pacific controls all the roads that reach
out to the Pacific." (No. 267. N. Y., April 3, 1877.)

Behind the Scenes.

These Colton letters emphasize Huntington's opinions, and expose his
methods during the struggle. Not completely, of course. One must read
between the lines occasionally. Something is left to surmise--to the
reflection, of Hamlet's Uncle, that

"In the corrupted currents of this world offense's gilded hand may shove
by Justice; and oft 'tis seen the wicked prize itself buys out the law."

When he speaks of Mr. Justice Field not sitting in a certain suit (No.
475. N.Y., Sept. 30th, 1878), and, just how he "got the Secretary of War
out of all ugly idea in about twenty minutes," saw three other Cabinet
members shortly after, and caused a Pre