rnment
conforming thereto under the Constitution. They know how to do it and can
have the protection of the army while doing it. The army will be withdrawn
so soon as such State government can dispense with its presence; and the
people of the State can then, upon the old constitutional terms, govern
themselves to their own liking. This is very simple and easy.

If they will not do this--if they prefer to hazard all for the sake
of destroying the government--it is for them to consider whether it is
probable I will surrender the government to save them from losing all. If
they decline what I suggest, you scarcely need to ask what I will do. What
would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is? Or would
you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk squirts charged with rose
water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would you
give up the contest, leaving any available means unapplied? I am in no
boastful mood. I shall not do more than I can, and I shall do all I can,
to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my personal
inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is too vast
for malicious dealing.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO LOYAL GOVERNORS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.,

July 28, 1862.

GOVERNORS OF ALL LOYAL STATES:

It would be of great service here for us to know, as fully as you can
tell, what progress is made and making in recruiting for old regiments
in your State. Also about what day the first regiments can move with you,
what the second, what the third, and so on. This information is important
to us in making calculations. Please give it as promptly and accurately as
you call.

A. LINCOLN.

BROKEN EGGS CANNOT BE MENDED

EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO AUGUST BELMONT.

July 31, 1862.

Broken eggs cannot be mended; but Louisiana has nothing to do now but to
take her place in the Union as it was, barring the already broken eggs.
The sooner she does so, the smaller will be the amount of that which will
be past mending. This government cannot much longer play a game in
which it stakes all, and its enemies stake nothing. Those enemies must
understand that they cannot experiment for ten years trying to destroy the
government, and if they fail, still come back into the Union unhurt. If
they expect in any contingency to ever have the Union as it was, I join
with the writer in saying, "Now is the time."

How much better it wo