The
stolid common sense of the rest saw only ruin ahead, and viewed
askance the idealism of her unreal subtleties. The French nobles,
sickened by the thought of reform, had continued their silly and
wicked flight; the neighboring powers, now preparing for an armed
resistance to the spread of the Revolution, were not slow to abet
them in their schemes. On every border agencies for the encouragement
of desertion were established, and by the opening of 1791 the
effective fighting force of France was more than decimated. There was
no longer any question of discipline; it was enough if any person
worthy to command or serve could be retained. But the remedy for this
disorganization was at hand. In the letter to Fesch, to which
reference has already been made, Napoleon, after his observations
among the people, wrote: "I have everywhere found the peasants firm in
their stirrups [steadfast in their opinions], especially in Dauphiny.
They are all disposed to perish in support of the constitution. I saw
at Valence a resolute people, patriotic soldiers, and aristocratic
officers. There are, however, some exceptions, for the president of
the club is a captain named du Cerbeau. He is captain in the regiment
of Forez in garrison at Valence.... The women are everywhere royalist.
It is not amazing; Liberty is a prettier woman than they, and eclipses
them. All the parish priests of Dauphiny have taken the civic oath;
they make sport of the bishop's outcry.... What is called good society
is three fourths aristocratic--that is, they disguise themselves as
admirers of the English constitution."

What a concise, terse sketch of that rising tide of national feeling
which was soon to make good all defects and to fill all gaps in the
new military system, put the army as part of the nation under the
popular assembly, knit regulars, reserves, and home guard into one,
and give moral support to enforcing the proposal for compulsory
enlistment!

This movement was Buonaparte's opportunity. Declaring that he had
twice endeavored since the expiration of his extended furlough to
cross into France, he produced certificates to that effect from the
authorities of Ajaccio, and begged for his pay and allowances since
that date. His request was granted. It is impossible to deny the truth
of his statement, or the genuineness of his certificates. But both
were loose perversions of a half-truth, shifts palliated by the
uncertainties of a revolutionary epoch.