wer which did not have
one Mohammedan subject claimed to protect two hundred million
Mohammedans. And when, in 1897, Emperor William went on his memorable
pilgrimage to Jerusalem, this latter-day pilgrim entered into a solemn
compact with a Sovereign still reeking from the blood of 200,000
Christians. The Cross made an unholy alliance with the Crescent.

This alliance, coinciding with the journey to Jerusalem, marked a
further step in the forward movement, in the _Drang nach Osten_
policy. It was the third and the last stage, and by far the most
important one. It was obvious that, on the European side of the
Bosphorus, Germany could not make much further progress for some years
to come. The times were not ripe. International jealousies might be
prematurely roused, all the more so because neither the German Kaiser
nor his subjects have the discretion and modesty of success. But on
the Asiatic side there extended a vast Asiatic inheritance, to which,
as yet, there was no European claimant; to which already, forty years
ago, German patriots like Moltke, German economists like Roscher and
List, had drawn the attention of the Vaterland--a country with a
healthy climate and with infinite resources as yet undeveloped. This
was to be in the immediate future the field of German colonization. On
his way to Jerusalem the German Emperor pressed once more his devoted
friend the Sultan for an extension of German enterprise in Asia Minor.
The concession of the railway to Baghdad was granted, and a new and
marvellous horizon opened before the Hohenzollern."

XVII.--GERMAN SOCIALISM MAKING FOR REACTION AND WAR.

"And not only is German Socialism not as strong, neither is it as
pacifist as is generally supposed. Outsiders take it for granted that
in the event of a conflict between France and Germany there would be
solidarity between the French and the German artisans. They assume
that Socialism is essentially international. And in theory such an
assumption is quite legitimate. But many things in Germany are
national which elsewhere are universal. And in Germany Socialism is
becoming national, as German political economy is national, as German
science is national, as German religion is national. Therefore the
political axiom that German Socialists would necessarily come to an
understanding with their French and English brethren has been
falsified by the event. German Socialists have, no doubt, shown their
pacific intentions; they hav