ith a small
fraction of Radicals, to possess such a government. Prussian
publicists again and again tell us that Germany does not want to copy
English institutions. The old German monarchic institutions are good
enough for Germany. Read the treatise of Treitschke, the great
historian and political philosopher of modern Prussia. He
systematically attempts to belittle every achievement of the
Parliamentary system; and every prominent writer follows in his
footsteps. Prussia has not produced a Guizot, a Tocqueville, a Stuart
Mill, or a Bryce. Her thinkers are all imbued with the traditions of
enlightened despotism. Even the great Mommsen cannot be adduced as an
exception. He makes us forget his Liberalism, and only remember his
Caesarism.

The powers of the Reichstag are very limited. It is mainly a machine
for voting supplies, but even that financial control is more nominal
than real. For under the Constitution the Assembly must needs make
provision for the army and navy, which are outside and above party
politics. And having previously fixed the contingent of the Imperial
forces, the army and navy estimates must needs follow. In the present
tension of international politics, a reduction is out of the question.
Theoretically, the Reichstag can indeed oppose an increase, but
practically the increase is almost automatic. The Reichstag could only
postpone it, and in so doing would have to face unpopularity. Every
party vies with its rivals in sacrificing their principles on the
altar of patriotism. Whereas the Catholic party in Belgium has for
twenty-eight years refused the means of national defence, and has made
the Belgian Army into a byword on the plea that barrack life is
dangerous to the religious faith of the peasant, the German Catholics
have voted with exemplary docility every increase of the army and
navy. Only once did they dare to propose a small reduction in the
estimates for the expenditure on the war against the Herreros. But the
indignation they raised by their independent attitude, and the
doubtful elections of 1907, taught them a practical lesson in
patriotic submission which they are not likely soon to forget.

The Reichstag, therefore, is largely a debating club, and its debates
are as irresponsible as those of students in a University union,
because no speech, however eloquent, carries with it any of the
responsibilities of government. The Opposition in England is careful
of the language it uses, and m