a Roman
senator, the elegance of an Atticus, and the integrity of a Cato. At the
meeting of the parliament in January, the king told them, in his speech,
that though he was no way engaged in the war which had begun to rage in
Europe, except by the good offices he had employed among the contending
powers, he could not sit regardless of the present events, or be
unconcerned for the consequences of a war undertaken and supported by
such a powerful alliance. He said, he had thought proper to take time to
examine the facts alleged on both sides, and to wait the result of the
councils of those powers that were more immediately interested in the
consequences of the rupture. He declared he would concert with his
allies, more particularly with the states-general of the United
Provinces, such measures as should be thought most advisable for their
common safety, and for restoring the peace of Europe. In the meantime,
he expressed his hope that they would make such provision as should
secure his kingdom, rights, and possessions from all dangers and
insults, and maintain the respect due to the British nation. He said,
that whatever part it might in the end be most reasonable for him to
act, it would in all views be necessary, when all Europe was preparing
for arms, to put his kingdom in a posture of defence. The motion for an
address of thanks produced as usual a debate in both houses, which, it
must be owned, appears to have proceeded from a spirit of cavilling,
rather than from any reasonable cause of objection.

ALTERCATION IN THE COMMONS.

The house of commons resolved to address his majesty for a copy of the
treaty of Vienna. Sir John Rushout moved for another, desiring that
the letters and instructions relating to the execution of the treaty
of Seville, should be submitted to the inspection of the commons; but,
after a hard struggle, it was over-ruled. The next motion was made by
Mr. Sandys, a gentleman who had for some time appeared strenuous in
the opposition, and wrangled with great perseverance. He proposed that
the house should examine the instructions which had been given to
the British minister in Poland, some years before the death of king
Augustus, that they might be the better able to judge of the causes
which produced this new rupture among the powers of Europe. The motion
being opposed by all the court members, a contest ensued, in the course
of which Mr. Pulteney compared the ministry to an empyric, and the