ine to have been not
much less than half the whole number of those who took sides at
all,--but more especially of the class in which Southern sympathy was
the very prevalent rule, and Northern sympathy the scanty exception.
This class comprehended the members of the leading professions, army,
navy, church, and bar, the writers upon events of the day in newspapers
and elsewhere, and, broadly speaking, the moneyed and leading social
circles,--in short, "the upper classes"; and, to trust my own
experience, not only these, but the great bulk of, at any rate, the
professional middle class as well. For instance, in the Government
office to which I belong, comprising some hundreds of _employes_, of
whom a tolerable percentage are known to me, I can recollect only one
person, besides myself, whom I knew to be decidedly for the North,--and
he, by the by, is an Irishman. I have used above the term "the upper
classes"; but I believe that the aristocracy, properly so called, was by
no means so Southern as the society next below it. The first of the four
motives in question is one in whose potency it gives me no pleasure to
believe, but it was, I think, by far the most powerful of all. The
English,[D] as a nation, dislike the Americans as a nation. This is a
broad statement, which I make, because, as far as my powers and
opportunities of observation extend, I believe it to be true; but I am
quite prepared to find it contested, or summarily denied, by many of my
countrymen,--the more, the better. The dislike, be it greater or less in
fact, appears to me to rest upon two main foundations.
In the first place, the Englishman is a born Conservative, or, to use
the old phrase, a Tory. Toryism is of two kinds,--political and social.
The majority of the nation is certainly not, at the present day, Tory in
political preferences, though there is still a large leaven of that
feeling also. But very many persons who are political Liberals are
social Tories: they venerate the aristocracy; they batten daily upon the
"Court Circular"; they cling to class distinctions in theory, and still
more in practice; they strain towards "good society" and social
conformity; their ideal is "respectability." Indeed, it appears to me
that comparatively very few English people are free from some tincture
of Toryism in either political or social sentiment, or both: one knows
many Radicals, some Democrats, and even a few theoretic Republicans; but
it by no means fo
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