s as high a proportion as
can be hoped in these distracted islands; and he counted among the
number the preponderant name of Malietoa. Here, if ever, was an
election. Here, if a king were at all possible, was the king. And yet
the natives were not satisfied. Laupepa was crowned, March 19th; and
next month, the provinces of Aana and Atua met in joint parliament, and
elected their own two princes, Tamasese and Mataafa, to an alternate
monarchy, Tamasese taking the first trick of two years. War was
imminent, when the consuls interfered, and any war were preferable to
the terms of the peace which they procured. By the Lackawanna treaty,
Laupepa was confirmed king, and Tamasese set by his side in the
nondescript office of vice-king. The compromise was not, I am told,
without precedent; but it lacked all appearance of success. To the
constitution of Samoa, which was already all wheels and no horses, the
consuls had added a fifth wheel. In addition to the old conundrum, "Who
is the king?" they had supplied a new one, "What is the vice-king?"
Two royal lines; some cloudy idea of alternation between the two; an
electorate in which the vote of each province is immediately effectual,
as regards itself, so that every candidate who attains one _name_
becomes a perpetual and dangerous competitor for the other four: such
are a few of the more trenchant absurdities. Many argue that the whole
idea of sovereignty is modern and imported; but it seems impossible that
anything so foolish should have been suddenly devised, and the
constitution bears on its front the marks of dotage.
But the king, once elected and nominated, what does he become? It may be
said he remains precisely as he was. Election to one of the five names
is significant; it brings not only dignity but power, and the holder is
secure, from that moment, of a certain following in war. But I cannot
find that the further step of election to the kingship implies anything
worth mention. The successful candidate is now the _Tupu o Samoa_--much
good may it do him! He can so sign himself on proclamations, which it
does not follow that any one will heed. He can summon parliaments; it
does not follow they will assemble. If he be too flagrantly disobeyed,
he can go to war. But so he could before, when he was only the chief of
certain provinces. His own provinces will support him, the provinces of
his rivals will take the field upon the other part; just as before. In
so far as he is
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