rd is a homoeopathist in state
medicine. His remedies are administered in infinitesimal doses. If he
will, for a moment, consider how our tribunals are constituted, and how
our parliament is constituted, he will perceive that the judicial
and political character are, through all grades, everywhere combined,
everywhere interwoven, and that therefore the evil which he proposes
to remove vanishes, as the mathematicians say, when compared with the
immense mass of evil which he leaves behind.

It has been asked, and very sensibly asked, why, if you exclude the
Master of the Rolls from the House, you should not also exclude the
Recorder of the City of London. I should be very sorry to see the
Recorder of the City of London excluded. But I must say that the reasons
for excluding him are ten times as strong as the reasons for excluding
the Master of the Rolls. For it is well-known that political cases
of the highest importance have been tried by Recorders of the City of
London. But why not exclude all Recorders, and all Chairmen of Quarter
Sessions? I venture to say that there are far stronger reasons for
excluding a Chairman of Quarter Sessions than for excluding a Master of
the Rolls. I long ago attended, during two or three years, the Quarter
Sessions of a great county. There I constantly saw in the chair an
eminent member of this House. An excellent criminal judge he was. Had
he been a veteran lawyer, he could hardly have tried causes more
satisfactorily or more expeditiously. But he was a keen politician: he
had made a motion which had turned out a Government; and when he died
he was a Cabinet Minister. Yet this gentleman, the head of the Blue
interest, as it was called, in his county, might have had to try men of
the Orange party for rioting at a contested election. He voted for the
corn laws; and he might have had to try men for breaches of the peace
which had originated in the discontent caused by the corn laws. He was,
as I well remember, hooted, and, I rather think, pelted too, by the mob
of London for his conduct towards Queen Caroline; and, when he went
down to his county, he might have had to sit in judgment on people
for breaking windows which had not been illuminated in honour of Her
Majesty's victory. This is not a solitary instance. There are, I dare
say, in this House, fifty Chairmen of Quarter Sessions. And this is an
union of judicial and political functions against which there is really
much to be said. For