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and he hardly feels inclined to make it the great aim of his life. He had, however, risen to a distinctly higher position on his circuit; and just at this time he was engaged in one of the cases which, as usual, brought more in the way of glory than of gain. X. GOVERNOR EYRE The troubles in Jamaica had taken place in October 1865. The severity of the repressive measures excited indignation in England; and discussions arose conducted with a bitterness not often paralleled. The Gordon case was the chief topic of controversy. Governor Eyre had arrested Gordon, whom he considered to be the mainspring of the insurrection, and sent him to the district in which martial law had been proclaimed. There he was tried by a court-martial ordered by General Nelson, and speedily hanged. The controversy which followed is a curious illustration of the modes of reasoning of philosophers and statesmen. Nobody could deny the general proposition that the authorities are bound to take energetic measures to prevent the horrors of a servile insurrection. Nor could anyone deny that they are equally bound to avoid the needless severities which the fear of such horrors is likely to produce. Which principle should apply was a question of fact; but in practice the facts were taken for granted. One party assumed unanimously that Governor Eyre had been doing no more than his duty; and the other, with equal confidence, assumed that he was guilty of extreme severity. A commission, consisting of Sir Henry Storks, Mr. Russell Gurney, and Mr. Maule, the recorder of Leeds, was sent out at the end of 1865 to inquire into the facts. Meanwhile the Jamaica Committee was formed, of which J. S. Mill was chairman, with Mr. P. A. Taylor, the Radical leader, as vice-chairman.[99] The committee (in January 1866) took the opinions of Fitzjames and Mr. Edward James as to the proper mode of invoking the law. Fitzjames drew the opinion, which was signed by Mr. James and himself.[100] After the report of the Commission (April 1866), which showed that excesses had been committed, the committee acted upon this opinion. From Fitzjames's letters written at the time, I find that his study of the papers published by the Commission convinced him that Governor Eyre had gone beyond the proper limits in his behaviour towards Gordon. The governor, he thought, had been guilty of an 'outrageous stretch of power,' and had hanged Gordon, not because it was necessary to keep the
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