undred different occasions to test his earnestness and
trustworthiness. This document is in his own writing and accompanied
by remarks and references to previous correspondence which render its
authenticity indisputable."

"Granted that the proposals themselves are genuine, there still remain
the three signatures," Julian observed.

"Why should we doubt them?" Fenn protested. "Freistner guarantees
them, and Freistner is our friend, the friend and champion of Labour
throughout the world. To attempt to deceive us would be to cover himself
with eternal obloquy."

"Yet these terms," Julian pointed out, "differ fundamentally from
anything which Germany has yet allowed to be made public."

"There are two factors here which may be considered," Miles Furley
intervened. "The first is that the economic condition of Germany is far
worse than she has allowed us to know. The second, which is even more
interesting to us, is the rapid growth in influence, power, and numbers
of the Socialist and Labour Party in that country."

"Of both these factors," the Bishop reminded them, "we have had very
frequent hints from our friends, the neutrals. Let me tell you all what
I think. I think that those terms are as much as we have the right to
expect, even if our armies had reached the Rhine. It is possible that
we might obtain some slight modifications, if we continued the war,
but would those modifications be worth the loss of a few more hundred
thousands of human lives, of a few more months of this hideous, pagan
slaughter and defilement of God's beautiful world?"

There was a murmur of approval. A lank, rawboned Yorkshireman--David
Sands--a Wesleyan enthusiast, a local preacher, leaned across the table,
his voice shaking with earnestness:

"It's true!" he exclaimed. "It's the word of God! It's for us to stop
the war. If we stop it to-night instead of to-morrow, a thousand lives
may be saved, human lives, lives of our fellow creatures. Our fellow
labourers in Germany have given us the chance. Don't let us delay
five minutes. Let the one of us you may select see the Prime Minister
to-night and deliver the people's message."

"There's no cause for delay that I can see," Cross approved.

"There is none," Fenn assented heartily. "I propose that we proceed to
the election of our representative; that, having elected him, we send
him to the Prime Minister with our message, and that we remain here in
the building until we have his report."