the contrary, it nominated Franklin to be
minister plenipotentiary at the French court, left Lee still accredited
to Madrid, as he had been before, and gave Adams neither any place nor
any instructions, so that he soon returned home. Gerard, at
Philadelphia, claimed the credit of having defeated the machinations of
the "dangerous and bad man," Lee, and congratulated de Vergennes on his
relief from the burden.[67] Franklin's commission was brought over by
Lafayette in February, 1779. Thus ended the Lee-Izard cabal against
Franklin; it was not unlike the Gates-Conway cabal against Washington,
save that it lasted longer and was more exasperating. The success of
either would have been almost equally perilous to the popular cause; for
the instatement of Lee as minister plenipotentiary at the French court
would inevitably have led to a breach with France. The result was very
gratifying to Franklin, since it showed that all the ill tales about him
which had gone home had not ruined, though certainly they had seriously
injured, his good repute among his countrymen. Moreover, he could truly
say that the office "was not obtained by any solicitation or intrigue,"
or by "magnifying his own services, or diminishing those of others." But
apart from the gratification and a slight access of personal dignity,
the change made no difference in his duties; he still combined the
functions of loan-agent, consul, naval director, and minister, as
before. Nor was he even yet wholly rid of Arthur Lee. He had, however,
the satisfaction of absolutely refusing to honor any more of Lee's or
Izard's exorbitant drafts for their personal expenses.

[Note 67: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 383.]

Shortly after his appointment Franklin sent his grandson to Lee, with a
note requesting Lee to send to him such papers belonging to the embassy
as were in his possession. Lee insolently replied that he had "no papers
belonging to the department of minister plenipotentiary at the court of
Versailles;" that if Franklin referred to papers relating to
transactions of the late joint commission, he had "yet to learn and
could not conceive" by what reason or authority one commissioner was
entitled to demand custody of them. Franklin replied temperately enough
that many of them were essential to him for reference in conducting the
public business, but said that he should be perfectly content to have
copies. The captious Lee was still further irritated by this scheme