of the colonists was being fought
by allies upon English soil, who were stimulated by the potent impulse
of self-preservation. These men cared nothing for the principle at
stake, nothing for the colonists personally; but they cared for the
business by which they sustained their own homes, and they were resolved
that the destroying Stamp Act should be got out of their way. Such an
influence was soon felt. Death also came in aid of the Americans,
removing in good time the Duke of Cumberland, the merciless conqueror of
Culloden, who now was all ready to fight it out with the colonies, and
only thus lost the chance to do so.

Beneath the pressure of these events concession began to be talked of,
though at first of course its friends were few and its enemies many.
Charles Townshend announced himself able to contemplate with equanimity
the picture of the colonies relapsing "to their primitive deserts." But
the trouble was that little deserts began to spot the face of England;
and still the British merchant, who seldom speaks long in vain, was
increasing his clamor, and did not fancy the prospect of rich trading
fields reduced to desolation. In January, 1766, too, the dreaded voice
of Pitt again made itself heard in St. Stephen's, sending forth an
eloquent harangue for America: "The Americans are the sons, not the
bastards, of England. As subjects they are entitled to the common right
of representation, and cannot be bound to pay taxes without their
consent. Taxation is no part of the governing power.[18] The taxes are a
voluntary gift and grant by the Commons alone. In an American tax what
do we do? We, your Majesty's Commons of Great Britain, give and grant to
your Majesty--what? Our own property? No! we give and grant to your
Majesty the property of your Majesty's commons in America. It is an
absurdity in terms."[19] "The idea of a virtual representation of
America in this House is the most contemptible that ever entered into
the head of man." "I never shall own the justice of taxing America
internally until she enjoys the right of representation." Not very many
men in either house of Parliament would go the full logical length of
Pitt's argument; but men who held views quite opposite to his as to the
lawful authority of Parliament to lay this tax were beginning to feel
that they must join him in getting it out of the way of domestic
prosperity in England. It seemed to them a mistaken exercise of an
unquestionable right. Th