ly dramatic moment connected with the closing phrase of
the preamble. I have used a translation published by a distinguished Cuban.
That phrase, in the original, is "_invocando el favor de Dios_," perhaps
more exactly translated as "invoking the favor (or blessing) of God." When
the Constitution had been drafted and broadly approved, it was submitted
to the convention for suggestion of minor changes in verbiage. One of the
oldest and most distinguished members of the body proposed that this phrase
be left out. Another member, distinguished for his power as an orator and
for his cynicism, in a speech of considerable length set forth his opinion
that it made little difference whether it was included or excluded. There
was no benefit in its inclusion, and no advantage in excluding it. It would
hurt none and might please some to have it left in. Immediately across
the semi-circle of desks, and facing these two speakers, sat Senor Pedro
Llorente, a man of small stature, long, snow-white hair and beard, and a
nervous and alert manner. At times, his nervous energy made him almost
grotesque. At times, his absorbed earnestness made him, despite his
stature, a figure of commanding dignity. Through the preceding addresses he
waited with evident impatience. Obtaining recognition from the chairman,
he rose and stood with upraised hand his voice tremulous with emotion, to
protest against the proposed measure, declaring "as one not far from the
close of life, that the body there assembled did not represent an atheistic
people." The motion to strike out was lost, and the invocation remains.

The result of the deliberations of the Constitutional Convention is a
highly creditable instrument. It contains a well-devised Bill of Rights,
and makes all necessary provision for governmental organization and
conduct. One feature, however, seems open to criticism. In their desire to
avoid that form of centralized control, of which they had somewhat too much
under Spanish power, the new institution provides, perhaps, for too much
local government, for a too extensive provincial and municipal system. It
has already fallen down in some respects, and it has become necessary to
centralize certain functions, quite as it has become desirable in several
of our own matters. Cuba has, perhaps, an undue overload of officialdom,
somewhat too many public officers, and quite too many people on its
pay-rolls. The feature of Cuba's Constitution that is of greatest