nto
contact with French diplomacy, nor the first proof he had seen that
France was watching the contest in the hope of abasing the power of her
rival. While agent in London for four Colonies,--a true ambassador, if
to watch events, study character, give timely warning and wise counsel
be the office of an ambassador,--he had lived on a friendly footing with
the French legation, and profited by it to give them correct views of
the character and feelings of the Colonies. And now, reducing the
question to these simple heads, he asked,--

"How is France disposed towards us? If favorably, what assurance will
she give us of it?

"Can we have from France two good engineers, and how shall we apply for
them?

"Can we have, by direct communication, arms and munitions of war, and
free entrance and exit for our vessels in French ports?"

But whatever reliance they may have placed on the French emissary, the
Committee were unwilling to confine themselves to this as the only means
of opening communication with European powers. During a visit to
Holland, Franklin had formed the acquaintance of a Swiss gentleman of
the name of Dumas,--a man of great learning and liberal sentiments, and
whose social position gave him access to sure sources of information. To
him he now addressed himself with the great question of the moment:--"If
we throw off our dependence upon Great Britain, will any court enter
into alliance with us and aid us for the sake of our commerce?"

Such, then, was the starting-point of our diplomatic history, the end
and aim of all our negotiations: alliance and aid for the sake of our
commerce.

But we should greatly mistake the character of the times, if we supposed
that this point was reached without many and warm debates. When the
question was first started in Congress, that body was found to be as
much divided upon this as upon any of the other subjects which it was
called upon to discuss. With Franklin, one party held, that, instead of
asking for treaties with European powers, we should first conquer our
independence, when those powers, allured by our commerce, would come and
ask us; the other, with John Adams, that, as our true policy and a mark
of respect from a new nation to old ones, we ought to send ministers to
all the great courts of Europe, in order to obtain the recognition of
our independence and form treaties of amity and commerce. Franklin, who
had already outlived six treaties of "firm and lasting p