f one man by another, and you will demonstrate it to be
purely infernal in its origin and spirit.

No man is to be injured in his person, mind, or estate. He cannot be,
with benefit to any other man, or to any state of society. Whoever
would sacrifice him for any purpose is both morally and politically
insane. Every man is equivalent to every other man. Destroy the
equivalent, and what is left? "So God created man in his own
image--male and female created he them." This is a death-blow to all
claims of superiority, to all charges of inferiority, to all
usurpation, to all oppressive dominion.

But all three declarations are truisms. Most certainly; and they are
all that is stigmatized as "Garrisonian Abolitionism." I have not, at
any time, advanced an ultra sentiment, or made an extravagant demand.
I have avoided fanaticism on the one hand, fully on the other. No man
can show that I have taken one step beyond the line of justice, or
forgotten the welfare of the master in my anxiety to free the slave.
Why, citizens of the Empire State, did you proclaim liberty to all in
bondage on your soil, in 1827, and forevermore? Certainly, not on the
ground of expediency, but of principle. Why do you make slaveholding
unlawful among yourselves? Why is it not as easy to buy, breed,
inherit, and make slaves in this State, compatible with benevolence,
justice, and right, as it is in Carolina or Georgia? Why do you
compel the unmasked refugee from Van Dieman's Land to sigh for "a
plantation well stocked with healthy negroes in Alabama," and not
allow him the right to own and flog slaves in your presence? If
slaveholding is not wrong under all circumstances, why have you
decreed it to be so, within the limits of your State jurisdiction?
Nay, why do you have a judiciary, a legislative assembly, a civil
code, the ballot box, but to preserve your rights as one man? On what
other ground, except that you are men, do you claim a right to
personal freedom, to the ties of kindred, to the means of improvement,
to constant development, to labour when and for whom you choose, to
make your own contracts, to read and speak and print as you please, to
remain at home or travel abroad, to exercise the elective franchise,
to make your own rulers? What you demand for yourselves, in virtue of
your manhood, I demand for the enslaved at the South, on the same
ground. How is it that I am a madman, and you are perfectly rational?
Wherein is my ultraism appare