gatives of
the crown were retrenched; but at the same time nothing could be more
necessary than such a statute, for completing a regular plan of law and
liberty. A great reluctance to assemble parliaments must be expected in
the king, where these assemblies, as of late, establish it as a maxim
to carry their scrutiny into every part of government. During long
intermissions of parliament, grievances and abuses, as was found by
recent experience, would naturally creep in; and it would even become
necessary for the king and council to exert a great discretionary
authority, and by acts of state to supply, in every emergence, the
legislative power, whose meeting was so uncertain and precarious.
Charles, finding that nothing less would satisfy his parliament and
people, at last gave his assent to this bill which produced so great an
innovation in the constitution.[*] Solemn thanks were presented him
by both houses. Great rejoicings were expressed both in the city and
throughout the nation. And mighty professions were every where made of
gratitude and mutual returns of supply and confidence. This concession
of the king, it must be owned, was not entirely voluntary: it was of
a nature too important to be voluntary. The sole inference which his
partisans were entitled to draw from the submissions so frankly made
to present necessity was, that he had certainly adopted a new plan of
government, and for the future was resolved, by every indulgence, to
acquire the confidence and affections of his people.

Charles thought, that what concessions were made to the public were of
little consequence, if no gratifications were bestowed on individuals
who had acquired the direction of public counsels and determinations. A
change of ministers, as well as of measures, was therefore resolved
on. In one day, several new privy counsellors were sworn; the earls of
Hertford Bedford, Essex, Bristol; the lords Say, Saville, Kimbolton.
within a few days after was admitted the earl of Warwick.[**] All these
noblemen were of the popular party; and some of them afterwards, when
matters were pushed to extremities by the commons, proved the greatest
support of monarchy.

* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 209. Whitlocke, p. 39. Rush. vol. v.
p, 189.

** Clarendon, vol. i. p. 195.

Juxon, bishop of London, who had never desired the treasurer's staff,
now earnestly solicited for leave to resign it, and retire to the care
of that turbulent diocese c