ofty hopes once entertained by the Germans as to the productiveness
of their part of East Africa have been but partially realised[433].
Harsh treatment of the natives brought about a formidable revolt in
1888-89. The need of British co-operation in the crushing of this revolt
served to bring Germany to a more friendly attitude towards this
country. Probably the resignation, or rather the dismissal, of Bismarck
by the present Emperor, in March 1890, also tended to lessen the
friction between England and Germany. The Prince while in retirement
expressed strong disapproval of the East African policy of his
successor, Count Caprivi.

[Footnote 433: See the Report on German East Africa for 1900, in our
_Diplomatic and Consular Reports_.]

Its more conciliatory spirit found expression in the Anglo-German
agreement of July 1, 1890, which delimited the districts claimed by the
two nations around the Victoria Nyanza in a sense favourable to Great
Britain and disappointing to that indefatigable treaty-maker, Dr.
Peters. It acknowledged British claims to the northern half of the
shores and waters of that great lake and to the valley of the Upper
Nile, as also to the coast of the Indian Ocean about Vitu and thence
northwards to Kismayu.

On the other hand, Germany acquired the land north of Lake Nyassa, where
British interests had been paramount. The same agreement applied both to
the British and German lands in question the principle of free or
unrestricted transit of goods, as also between the great lakes. Germany
further recognised a British Protectorate over the islands held by the
Sultan of Zanzibar, reserving certain rights for German commerce in the
case of the Island of Mafia. Finally, Great Britain ceded to Germany the
Island of Heligoland in the North Sea. On both sides of the North Sea
the compact aroused a storm of hostile comment, which perhaps served to
emphasise its fairness[434]. Bismarck's opinion deserves quotation:--

Zanzibar ought not to have been left to the English. It would
have been better to maintain the old arrangement. We could
then have had it at some later time when England required our
good offices against France or Russia. In the meantime our
merchants, who are cleverer, and, like the Jews, are
satisfied with smaller profits, would have kept the upper
hand in business. To regard Heligoland as an equivalent shows
more imagination than sound calculation. In t