ts only our neighbors
we have few motives to provide against it. Sir, if we have national
objects to pursue we must have national revenues. If you make
requisitions and they are not complied with what is to be done? It has
been observed to coerce the States is one of the maddest projects that
was ever devised. A failure of compliance will never be confined to a
single State. This being the case can we suppose it wise to hazard a
civil war? Suppose Massachusetts, or any large State, should refuse and
Congress should attempt to compel them, would they not have influence to
procure assistance, especially from those States which are in the same
situation as themselves? What picture does this idea present to our
view? A complying State at war with a non-complying State; Congress
marching the troops of one State into the bosom of another; this State
collecting auxiliaries and forming, perhaps, a majority against its
federal head. Here is a nation at war with itself. Can any reasonable
man be well disposed toward a government which makes war and carnage the
only means of supporting itself--a government that can exist only by the
sword? Every such war must involve the innocent with the guilty. This
single consideration should be sufficient to dispose every peaceable
citizen against such a government.

But can we believe that one State will ever suffer itself to be used as
an instrument of coercion? The thing is a dream; it is impossible. Then
we are brought to this dilemma--either a federal standing army is to
enforce the requisitions, or the federal treasury is left without
supplies, and the Government without support. What, sir, is the cure for
this great evil? Nothing, but to enable the national laws to operate on
individuals in the same manner as those of the States do. This is the
true reasoning upon the subject, sir. The gentlemen appear to
acknowledge its force; and yet, while they yield to the principle, they
seem to fear its application to the government.

What, then, shall we do? Shall we take the old Confederation as a basis
of a new system? Can this be the object of the gentlemen? Certainly not.
Will any man who entertains a wish for the safety of his country trust
the sword and purse with a single assembly organized on principles so
defective, so rotten? Though we might give to such a government certain
powers with safety, yet to give them the full and unlimited powers of
taxation and the national forces would be