nt to take this particular step," and that "he was himself
led to think that they had taken it, not from any intention to step out
of their province, and to depart from the line of constitutional right
which the history of the country has assigned them, but from motives of
policy dependent on the circumstances of the moment; and therefore he
thought it would be wise if the Commons forbore to enter into a conflict
with the Lords on a ground which might really not exist, but satisfied
themselves with a declaration of what were their own constitutional
powers and privileges. It was of the utmost importance in a constitution
like ours, where there are different branches, independent of each
other, each with powers of its own, and where cordial and harmonious
action is necessary, that care should be taken to avoid the commencement
of an unnecessary quarrel, and the party that acted otherwise would
incur a grave responsibility."

Mr. Gladstone, however, though he ended by expressing his concurrence in
the resolution proposed by his chief, used very different language
respecting the vote of the House of Lords, characterizing it as "a
gigantic innovation, the most gigantic and the most dangerous that had
been attempted in our time," since "the origination of a bill for the
imposition of a tax, or the amendment of a money-bill, was a slight
thing compared with the claim to prevent the repeal of a tax;" and,
dealing with assertions which he had heard, that in this instance "the
House of Commons had been very foolish and the House of Lords very
wise," he asked whether that really described the constitution under
which we live. The House of Commons could not be infallible in matters
of finance more than in other matters. It might make errors, but he
demanded to know whether those errors in finance were or were not liable
to correction by the House of Lords. If they were, "what became of the
privileges of the Commons?" On the other hand, Mr. Disraeli, as leader
of the Opposition or Conservative party, supported the resolutions, and
applauded the speech of the Prime-minister, as "a wise, calm, and ample
declaration of a cabinet that had carefully and deliberately considered
this important subject. It had acknowledged that the conduct of the
Lords was justified by law and precedent, and sanctioned by policy," and
he maintained that it showed that "the charge made by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer was utterly untenable, and had no foun