inution of the
quantity of warfare and in the narrowing of its sphere. For within the
territorial limits of any great and permanent state, the tendency is for
warfare to become the exception and peace the rule. In this direction
the political careers of the Greek cities assisted the progress of
civilization but little.

Under the conditions of Graeco-Roman civic life there were but two
practicable methods of forming a great state and diminishing the
quantity of warfare. The one method was _conquest with incorporation_,
the other method was _federation_. Either one city might conquer all
the others and endow their citizens with its own franchise, or all the
cities might give up part of their sovereignty to a federal body which
should have power to keep the peace, and should represent the civilized
world of the time in its relations with outlying barbaric peoples. Of
these two methods, obviously the latter is much the more effective, but
it presupposes for its successful adoption a higher general state of
civilization than the former. Neither method was adopted by the Greeks
in their day of greatness. The Spartan method of extending its power was
conquest without incorporation: when Sparta conquered another Greek
city, she sent a _harmost_ to govern it like a tyrant; in other words
she virtually enslaved the subject city. The efforts of Athens tended
more in the direction of a peaceful federalism. In the great Delian
confederacy which developed into the maritime empire of Athens, the
AEgean cities were treated as allies rather than subjects. As regards
their local affairs they were in no way interfered with, and could they
have been represented in some kind of a federal council at Athens, the
course of Grecian history might have been wonderfully altered. As it
was, they were all deprived of one essential element of
sovereignty,--the power of controlling their own military forces. Some
of them, as Chios and Mitylene, furnished troops at the demand of
Athens; others maintained no troops, but paid a fixed tribute to Athens
in return for her protection. In either case they felt shorn of part of
their dignity, though otherwise they had nothing to complain of; and
during the Peloponnesian war Athens had to reckon with their tendency to
revolt as well as with her Dorian enemies. Such a confederation was
naturally doomed to speedy overthrow.

In the century following the death of Alexander, in the closing age of
Hellenic indepe