olive branch to his
political opponents. He believed, as he remarked in a private letter,
that many Federalists were sound Republicans at heart who had been
stampeded into the ranks of his opponents during the recent troubles
with France. These lost political sheep Jefferson was bent upon
restoring to the Republican fold by avoiding utterances and acts
which would offend them. "I always exclude the leaders from these
considerations," he added confidentially. In short, this Inaugural
Address was less a great state paper, marking a broad path for the
Government to follow under stalwart leadership, than an astute effort to
consolidate the victory of the Republican party.

Disappointing the address must have been to those who had expected a
declaration of specific policy. Yet the historian, wiser by the march of
events, may read between the lines. When Jefferson said that he desired
a wise and frugal government--a government "which should restrain men
from injuring one another but otherwise leave them free to regulate
their own pursuits--" and when he announced his purpose "to support the
state governments in all their rights" and to cultivate "peace with all
nations--entangling alliances with none," he was in effect formulating a
policy. But all this was in the womb of the future.

It was many weeks before Jefferson took up his abode in the President's
House. In the interval he remained in his old quarters, except for a
visit to Monticello to arrange for his removal, which indeed he was in
no haste to make, for "The Palace," as the President's House was dubbed
satirically, was not yet finished; its walls were not fully plastered,
and it still lacked the main staircase-which, it must be admitted, was a
serious defect if the new President meant to hold court. Besides, it
was inconveniently situated at the other end of the, straggling, unkempt
village. At Conrad's Jefferson could still keep in touch with those
members of Congress and those friends upon whose advice he relied in
putting "our Argosie on her Republican tack," as he was wont to
say. Here, in his drawing-room, he could talk freely with practical
politicians such as Charles Pinckney, who had carried the ticket
to success in South Carolina and who might reasonably expect to be
consulted in organizing the new Administration.

The chief posts in the President's official household, save one,
were readily filled. There were only five heads of departments to be
appoi