ded in
argument, but in party spirit, is evident from the whole behaviour of that
party, who favour it. The following is a short, but genuine specimen of
their reasoning. The South Carolina legislature have established an
unequal representation, and will not alter it: therefore Congress should
be invested with an unrestrained power to alter the time, manner and place
of electing members into that body. Directly the contrary position should
have been inferred. An elected assembly made an improper use of their
right to controul elections, therefore such a right ought not to be lodged
with them. It will be abused in ten instances, for one in which it will
serve any valuable purpose. It is said also that the Rhode Island assembly
_intend_ to abuse their power in this respect, therefore we should put
Congress in a situation to abuse theirs. Surely this is not a kind of
reasoning that, in the opinion of any indifferent person, can vindicate
the fourth section. Yet we have heard it publickly advanced as being
conclusive.

The unlimited power over trade, domestick as well as foreign, is another
power that will more probably be applied to a bad than to a good purpose.
That our trade was for the last year much in favour of the commonwealth is
agreed by all parties. The freedom that every man, whether his capital is
large or small, enjoys of entering into any branch that pleases him,
rouses a spirit of industry and exertion, that is friendly to commerce. It
prevents that stagnation of business which generally precedes publick
commotions. Nothing ought to be done to restrain this spirit. The
unlimited power over trade, however, is exceedingly apt to injure it.

In most countries of Europe, trade has been more confined by exclusive
charters. Exclusive companies are, in trade, pretty much like an
aristocracy in government, and produce nearly as bad effects. An instance
of it we have ourselves experienced. Before the Revolution, we carried on
no direct trade to India. The goods imported from that country came to us
through the medium of an exclusive company. Our trade in that quarter is
now respectable, and we receive several kinds of their goods at about half
the former price. But the evil of such companies does not terminate there.
They always, by the greatness of their capital, have an undue influence on
the government.

In a republick, we ought to guard, as much as possible, against the
predominance of any particular interest. I