the Revolution, in matters of historical
and political philosophy, had already acquired that strength, derived
from inveterate habit, which rejects discussion, and listens coldly and
distrustfully to all that differs from their own opinions. Others again,
and amongst these were the most active and accessible dispositions, were
more or less engaged in the secret societies, hostile intrigues and
plots. With these, my opposition was considered extremely supine. I had
thus many obstacles to surmount, and many conversions to effect, before
I could bring over to my own views the small circle that listened to my
arguments.

But there is always, in a French audience, whatever may be their
prejudices, an intellectual elasticity, a relish for efforts of the mind
and new ideas boldly set forward, and a certain liberal equity, which
disposes them to sympathize, even though they may hesitate to admit
conviction. I was at the same time liberal and anti-revolutionary,
devoted to the fundamental principles of the new French social system,
and animated by an affectionate respect for our ancient reminiscences. I
was opposed to the ideas which constituted the political faith of the
greater portion of my auditors. I propounded others which appeared
suspicious to them, even while they seemed just; they considered me as
made up of obscurities, contradictions, and prospective views, which
astonished and made them hesitate to follow me. At the same time they
felt that I was serious and sincere; they became gradually convinced
that my historic impartiality was not indifference, nor my political
creed a leaning towards the old system, nor my opposition to every kind
of subversive plot a truckling complaisance for power. I gained ground
in the estimation of my listeners: some amongst the most distinguished
came decidedly over to my views; others began to entertain doubts on the
soundness of their theories and the utility of their conspiring
practices; nearly all agreed with my just appreciation of the past, and
my recommendation of patient and legal opposition to the mistakes of the
present. The revolutionary spirit in this young and ardent section of
the public was visibly on the decline, not from scepticism and apathy,
but because other ideas and sentiments occupied its place in their
hearts, and drove it out to make room for their own admission.

The Cabinet of 1822 thought differently. It looked upon my lectures as
dangerous; and on the 12th