fied by true history, and more opposed to the natural bias of the
two countries. Their very rivalries have never broken the ties, apparent
or concealed, that exist between them; and, whether they know or are
ignorant of it, whether they acknowledge or deny the fact, they cannot
avoid being powerfully acted upon, by each other; their ideas, their
manners, and their institutions intermingle and modify mutually, as if
by an amicable necessity.

Let me at the same time admit, without hesitation, that we have
sometimes borrowed from England too completely and precipitately. We
have not sufficiently calculated the true character and social condition
of French society. France has increased and prospered under the
influence of royalty seconding the ascending movement of the middle
classes; England, by the action of the landed aristocracy, taking under
its charge the liberties of the people. These distinctions are too
marked to disappear, even under the controlling uniformity of modern
civilization. We have too thoroughly forgotten them. It is the rock and
impediment in the way of innovations accomplished under the name of
general ideas and great examples, that they do not assume their
legitimate part in real and national facts. But how could we have
escaped this rock? In the course of her long existence, ancient France
has made, at several regular intervals, great efforts to obtain free
government. The most powerful influences have either resisted, or failed
in the attempt; her best institutions have not co-operated with the
necessary changes, or have remained politically ineffective;
nevertheless, by a just sentiment of her honour as of her interest,
France has never ceased to aspire to a true and permanent system of
political guarantees and liberties. She demanded and desired this system
in 1789. Through what channels was it sought? From what institution was
it expected? So often deceived in her hopes and attempts within, she
looked beyond home for lessons and models,--a great additional obstacle
to a work already so difficult, but an inevitable one imposed by
necessity.

In 1823, I was far from estimating the obstacles which beset us in our
labour of constitutional organization as correctly as I do now. I was
impressed with the idea that our predecessors of 1789 had held old
France, her social traditions and her habits, in too much contempt; and
that to bring back harmony with liberty into our country, we ought to
lay more