The undue ascendency of one class over another, whether of the
aristocracy or the people, becomes tyranny. The bitter and continued
struggle of either to obtain the upper hand, is in fact revolution,
imminently impending or absolutely declared. The world has witnessed, in
two great examples, the diametrically opposite results to which this
formidable fact may lead. The contest between the Patricians and
Plebeians held Rome for ages between the cruel alternations of despotism
and anarchy, which had no variety but war. As long as either party
retained public virtue, the republic found grandeur, if not social
peace, in their quarrel; but when Patricians and Plebeians became
corrupted by dissension, without agreeing on any fixed principle of
liberty, Rome could only escape from ruin by falling under the despotism
and lingering decline of the Empire. England presents to modern Europe a
different spectacle. In England also, the opposing parties of nobles and
democrats long contended for the supremacy; but, by a happy combination
of fortune and wisdom, they came to a mutual compromise, and united in
the common exercise of power: and England has found, in this amicable
understanding between the different classes, in this communion of their
rights and mutual influence, internal peace with greatness, and
stability with freedom.

I looked forward to an analogous result for my own country, from the
form of government established by the Charter. I have been accused of
desiring to model France upon the example of England. In 1815, my
thoughts were not turned towards England; at that time I had not
seriously studied her institutions or her history. I was entirely
occupied with France, her destinies, her civilization, her laws, her
literature, and her great men. I lived in the heart of a society
exclusively French, more deeply impregnated with French tastes and
sentiments than any other. I was immediately associated with that
reconciliation, blending, and intercourse of different classes, and even
of parties, which seemed to me the natural condition of our new and
liberal system. People of every origin, rank, and calling, I may almost
say of every variety of opinion,--great noblemen, magistrates,
advocates, ecclesiastics, men of letters, fashion, or business, members
of the old aristocracy, of the Constituent Assembly, of the Convention,
of the Empire,--lived in easy and hospitable intercourse, adopting
without hesitation their altere