ious needs of
Nikita's Court. (By the way, at one time when Montenegro had this one
high-school and one hospital the three sons of Nikita were in
possession of ten palaces.) In 1869 the Russian Empress caused a
girls' college to be opened at Cetinje. It was one of the best
institutions in the whole Peninsula; many Serb and Yugoslav girls, in
addition to the Montenegrins, gathered at Cetinje. This college was
the centre from which education and modern ideas spread out to the
remotest corners of Montenegro; in 1913 it was obliged to close--the
Court had long been looking at it with a very jaundiced eye....
Russia, Serbia, Italy, France and even Turkey offered free education
to a certain number of young Montenegrins. But only the sons of the
favoured families were able to get passports to go abroad; there was
scarcely anything Nikita feared as much as education.... And if one
asks why no patriot could be found to kill this prince one is given
two reasons, the first being that his semi-secret treaty with the
Austrians provided that they should come into Montenegro if he were
killed, and secondly, because of the old-time custom of vicarious
punishment. In 1856, for instance, Nikita's father attacked the
Po[vc]ara Ku[vc]i, burned their houses, and is reputed to have slain
more than 550 children, women and old men, including the
septuagenarian grandfather of Tomo Oraovac, on the ground that these
people had set up a kind of republic, independent both of Montenegro
and of the Sultan and declined to pay the former any taxes. These
measures were taken against them in the summer when most of the men
were with their herds in the mountains. Three children survived. The
Great Powers protested, consuls were sent and ultimately the Po[vc]ara
Ku[vc]i, who had always helped the Montenegrins against the Turks,
consented to pay taxes. It was for these reasons that Nikita was never
assassinated.

THE GREAT STROSSMAYER

While the Serbs of Serbia and Montenegro no longer placed any trust in
their princes, they had good cause to give more and more of their
confidence to Strossmayer, who remained for more than half a century
at Djakovo and never, on account of Magyar opposition, became a prince
of the Church. He saw that the Star[vc]evi['c] policy with respect to
Bosnia was a retrograde step, since it was causing the Serbs of that
province, who until the occupation had been on good terms with the
Catholic minority and the Serbs of Croatia-