es enormous influence in every commune, both over the mayor
and the lower class of appointees. He likewise holds in subjection in
the various districts the justices of the peace, whose appointments can
be revoked at will should they vote against orders or fail to use their
influence on behalf of the official candidate. The prefect also reigns
supreme over the brigades of foot and mounted gendarmerie scattered
throughout his department. Of course, the gendarmes do not follow a man
to the poll to see that he votes to order, but both the gendarmes and
the rural constables understand that they are to act as gently toward
the liquor-sellers who vote as they are bidden as they are to proceed
rigorously against those who contend for the right of private judgment.
If the latter get into trouble, they must be made an example of, whereas
should the supporters of the official candidates have broken the law,
matters may easily be arranged. Besides these instruments, the prefect
has his newspaper, containing articles carefully prepared beforehand at
Paris, which he has distributed gratuitously among the electors during
the whole of the campaign. This newspaper enjoys the patronage of the
judicial and official advertisements, for the insertion of which,
American readers need scarcely be told, it receives very handsome pay.
Even the post-office is made to join in the conspiracy against the
opposition candidate, and it is no rare occurrence for the newspapers
and the voting tickets issued by the anti-official party to be held back
at the post-office until the day after the election.

All these means, and others besides, are used to intimidate the country
population. The strength of the administration is paraded before them. A
great show of energy--or, to use the expressive French word, _de
poigne_--is made. This is done in order that the French peasant,
instinctively attracted by a display of power and repelled by an
exhibition of weakness, may cast his vote for the man who appears to be
the stronger candidate, and who enjoys the friendship of Monsieur le
Prefet.

In February, 1876, M. Buffet, then Minister of the Interior, only
employed the means above described sparingly and stealthily. The favor
with which he viewed the aspirations of the clerical party caused him to
allow the Bonapartist machine to get somewhat rusty. In October, 1877,
M. de Fourtou, the Bonapartist Minister of the Interior, selected by the
marshal and his adviser