outhern States, and by their colonization in
foreign parts."[430]

During the decade from 1840 to 1850 this outside pressure of which
Shaler speaks was at its height. We have seen typical examples of it
within the borders of Kentucky in the discussion of the cases of Delia
Webster, Calvin Fairbank and John B. Mahan. The change in the trend of
popular thought during this period does not show itself much in the
open until 1849, when the third constitutional convention was about to
assemble. It was then that all phases of the problem of slavery were
discussed, in the press, in the pulpit, on the platform and in the
elections. George IX Prentice in an editorial gave the best exposition
of Kentucky sentiment. He said: "The sentiment of Kentucky we believe
to be, that slavery is an evil which must be borne with patience,
simply because there is no known plan for its rapid extinction which
would not produce incalculable sacrifices and appalling risks. At the
same time we think the people of Kentucky are not inclined to increase
the evil, but are inclined to favor its gradual emancipation and
remote termination, by prohibiting the further introduction of slaves
and by some provision tending to encourage voluntary emancipation with
colonization. These measures they believe, taken in connection with
the known tendency in widening circles to substitute free for slave
labor, will hasten the social revolution in question as fast as it can
be carried with safety to the Commonwealth or with benefit to the
colonized negro."[431]

So universal was this feeling that even Cassius M. Clay, the only real
abolitionist left in the State, came out more or less in favor of it.
Under his leadership there was held at Frankfort, April 25, 1849, an
emancipation convention to which all the more radical element were
invited. Clay himself proved to be the most radical member of the
convention but when they came to draw up a series of resolutions the
only ones to pass were those which favored the absolute prohibition of
the importation of any more slaves into Kentucky and the complete
power to enforce and perfect, under the new constitution, whenever the
people desired it, a system of gradual emancipation of the
slaves.[432] Here we are confronted with the unusual fact that the
radical element of the State agreed with the plan of George D.
Prentice, one of the chief pro-slavery men of Kentucky, and with that
of Henry Clay.

While sojourning for his