ll the month of March."

I then asked them, "whether it was their opinion that the National
Assembly would feel itself authorized to take up such a foreign question
(if I might be allowed the expression) as that of the abolition of the
Slave Trade." The answer to this was, "that the object of the National
Assembly was undoubtedly the formation of a constitution for the French
people. With respect to foreign possessions, it was very doubtful
whether it were the real interest of France to have any colonies at all;
but while it kept such colonies under its dominion, the assembly would
feel that it had the right to take up this question; and that the
question itself would naturally spring out of the bill of rights, which
had already been adopted as the basis of the constitution."

The next question I proposed was, "whether they were of opinion that the
National Assembly would do more wisely, in the present situation of
things, to determine upon the abolition of the Slave Trade now, or to
transfer it to the legislature, which was to succeed it in the month of
March."

This question gave birth to a long discussion, during which much
eloquence was displayed; but the unanimous answer, with the reasons for
it, may be conveyed in substance as follows:--"It would be most wise,"
it was said, "in the present Assembly, to introduce the question to the
notice of the nation, and this as essentially connected with the bill of
rights, but to transfer the determination of it, in a way the best
calculated to ensure success, to the succeeding legislature. The
revolution was of more importance to Frenchmen than the abolition of the
Slave Trade. To secure this was their first object, and more
particularly because the other would naturally flow from it; but the
revolution might be injured by the immediate determination of the
question. Many persons in the large towns of Bourdeaux, Marseilles,
Rouen, Nantes, and Havre, who were now friends to it, might be converted
into enemies. It would also be held up by those who wished to produce a
counter-revolution, (and the ignorant and prejudiced might believe it,)
that the Assembly had made a great sacrifice to England by thus giving
her an opportunity of enlarging her trade. The English House of Commons
had taken up the subject, but had done nothing; and though they, who
were then present, were convinced of the sincerity of the English
minister who had introduced it, and that the trade must ultimate